By Jorge Recharte, 1993.

Chapter 2 - Footnotes

¹In her study of communities of the northeastern shores of lake Titicaca, Collins (1980: 43) writes that in the prehispanic context "people were known by their ayllu membership. What ayllu a peasant belonged to...told little or nothing about where they resided." This clearly has changed through time. There now is a strong correspondence between residence and membership in a political community.

²With rare exceptions the peasants of Cuyo Cuyo remember little about these former political units. Unlike the case of Cuyo Cuyo, maximal ayllus are still fresh in the memory of some peasant groups (Painter 1981: 120) and are sociologically effective in yet others (Platt 1982, Harris 1978, Rasnake 1982). The terms maximal and minor were introduced by Platt [1976 (1986)]. The most important sources of information I have used to reconstruct the territorial organization of the Sandia valley are the community dossiers of "official recognition" held at the Bureau of Peasant Communities, located in Puno (Archivo de Comunidades Campesinas, Puno; ACCP). Additional sources are given below for each community.

³Ayllu Kapuna is noted in a land grant of 1778 (see ACCP, Ura Ayllu: f. 53v.) but it is not explicitly identified as a maximal ayllu. My reconstruction of ayllu unitary structures is still somewhat tentative. Clothing styles were used by Andean peasants as markers of ethnic membership (see for example, Martinez [1962: 217] on Puno).

⁴For the reconstruction of nineteenth century ayllu boundaries in the Sandia valley (Figure 2.1) I used: 1) community maps held at the Archivo de Comunidades Campesinas in Puno; 2) colonial and nineteenth century judiciary records related to land disputes that identify the boundary markers of each ayllu; and, 3) topographical maps of present-day peasant communities held at the same archive (Corporación de Desarrollo de Puno [CORPUNO] n.d. "Micro-región Sandia.") The map in figure 2.1 gives an approximate idea of the territorial organization of ayllus. In reality, territorial interlocking was more complex.

⁵On the caciques of Sandia, see Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, C.1531, año 1796, "Partido de Carabaya. . ." By this date all the caciques of the valley were ethnically Spanish. I was able to confirm with certainty only the colonial landmarks of Ura Ayllu (ACCP, Ura ayllu, f. 53-53v) and Laqueque ayllu (ACCP, Laqueque, f. 26-27v). However, these same documents show that Puna ayllu and Cojene ayllu also had separate sets of authorities. In a land dispute in 1815, the Indians of Laqueque community accused Cuyo Cuyo ayllu (hence considering its minor ayllus as a single unit) of stealing their firewood (ACCP, Laqueque, f. 58). Land titles from the republican period identify the boundaries of Puna and Cojene ayllus (ACCP, Puna Ayllu, (1883-1898) f. 2v, f. 6v-7). Land claims of the minor ayllus often identify only the core portion of their territories and rarely those that were used commonly with the other segments.

⁶In a land title of 1815, the authorities of Laqueque made reference to a battle fought among the ayllus of Laqueque, Cuyo Cuyo, and Hururo over the lands of Yacacori. Inter-ayllu conflict explains the need to have people living in the annexes in order to protect access to the resources there.

⁷I refer to corporate lands or to an otherwise generalized pattern of property holdings among members of this ayllu. In fact, several Puna Ayllinos indicated to me that in the past some of the wealthy families of the group had corn lands in Chejñani, a zone located in Ayo, an annex of contemporary Kapuna Community. See Harris (1978: 57) for a case of double residency on punas and valleys in Bolivia. Orlove (1977: 87) discusses the breakdown of a similar pattern in Cusco after communities were recognized as separate political units during the 1920s.

⁸See ANPS, 1927, Instruments 42-70. A document that reinforces the notion that Puna Ayllu did not own corn lands is a memoir presented by the community to the Bureau of Indian Affairs as part of its process to gain legal recognition. Puna Ayllu is devoted, according to this short ethnographic report, to the production of tubers, broad beans, and wheat as well as to the extraction of gold, and herding activities in the cordillera. Corn is not mentioned (ACCP, Puna Ayllu [1947] f. 16).

⁹This statement is based on an interview with the Lieutenant Governor of Rotojoni in 1985.

¹⁰See ACCP, Ura Ayllu (1959), f. 34; see map in this dossier. Also ACCP, Cojene-Rotojoni (l973), and map in this dossier.

¹¹The Composición de Tierras granted to Ura Ayllu in 1788 (see above) indicated that its border with Llaqta Ayllu was several hundred meters from the northern-most extreme of the town of Cuyo Cuyo. Yet, the community maps presented both by Cojene and Ura Ayllu to the Bureau of Indian Affairs leave no doubts about their claims. Nonetheless, Llaqta Ayllu residents successfully opposed those claims, calling into question the validity of those maps: "because they refer to a remote past" (ACCP, Ura Ayllu [1959], f. 34 and map; ACCP, Cojene-Rotojoni [l973], see map in this dossier).

¹²These properties were in use at least until the late 1920s. I presume this ownership pattern was older. See ANPS 1924, instruments no. 50 through no. 69; ANPS 1925, instrument no. 169; ANPS 1927, instrument no. 88; ANPS 1928 instrument no. 148; ANPS 1929, instrument no. 85, and no. 137.

¹³In all likelihood these were corn lands, since Quiaca is located in the core of the corn production zone. Another document confirms Cuyo Cuyeños' access to corn lands. On November 25, 1788 the Alcalde Zelador of Cuyo Cuyo wrote to the priest of Sandia to explain that the Indians were not assisting with the religious ceremonies because "some are in their corn fields, others [are] working outside for money, and others [are] in the valley of Palcabamba where the cacique of Ñacoreque has them working on his coca fields in payment for the provisions he gave them in advance" (AAC, 1789 28.1,LXIII,1,3, f. 7). Again there is no clue concerning the location of these lands nor which segment of the Cuyo Cuyo ayllu is meant.

¹⁴John Murra, personal communication, May 1985.

¹⁵Francisco de Paz, a retainer of Antonio Vaca de Castro, encomendero in command of Carabaya, opened several coca fields for his master and himself around 1562. Their exact location is not mentioned, but the yunkas of Sandia are the likely location (AGN, Real Audiencia, Causas Civiles, L12. C.63, año 1572, f. 355v.).

¹⁶See AGN, Real Aduana, Alcabalas de Carabaya y sus receptorías. L. 1440, C.24. año 1790.

¹⁷These were Cahuanchaca, Yukayukayoc, Yparo, Quisibamba, Lifón and San José, all of them located beyond Sandia in the Pukara Mayo valley (ACCP Laqueque, f. 46v; ACCP Puna Laqueque, f. 59). It is possible that these claims were associated with the presence of goldfields since at least one of these places, Yparo, was a renowned Inca gold mine (Berthelot 1975). The sites listed above are described as "servidumbre immemorial de nuestra comunidad" (ACCP Laqueque, f. 46v).

¹⁸ACCP, Phara-Toldoquiri, see map of the community in this dossier.

¹⁹ACCP, Patambuco, see map of the community in this dossier.

²⁰ACCP, Quicho-Palca-Chia, f.5, see map of the community in this dossier.

²¹Cuyo Cuyeños explain that kallpa are pastures located over soils in which salt surfaces and accumulates during the dry part of the year. They are described as having medicinal value for the herds. Animals should ideally graze in this kind of pasture several times during the year. Kallpa lands are an exceptional resource in the sense that they are found only in relatively small areas. For example the kallpa of Choqñacota claimed by Upina Ayllu covered some 1,400 hectares according to the estimate of local residents (ACCP, Upina, see map of the community in this dossier).

²²ACCP, Upina and ACCP, Carabaya, see maps of both communities in their respective dossiers.

²³I have chosen this case because it is the only one in which I can complement historical records with oral testimony concerning inter-segment social relations. My information concerning this ayllu was collected mostly from residents of the Cuyo Cuyo District. I was unable to interview residents of Ñacoreque or Huancasayani, the former principle town of this ayllu. The picture that I present is a balance of the opinions of over a dozen people with whom I had conversations about this specific topic. The testimony concerning the names of the constituent groups of each one of the three sections of Hururo was fairly consistent although not precisely congruent. Colonial and republican documents provide complementary information.

²⁴The list of names quoted above was compiled from oral sources and two written records. A letter dating from 1789 from the priest of Sandia to one of his subordinates in Cuyo Cuyo identified the following dependencies of Ñacoreque ayllu: 1) Guancasayani, 2) Camani, 3) Chiaramarca, 4) Lahualahuani, 5) Ñacaria and 6) Guarachani (spelling of places as in the original source: AAC: 28.1. LXIII,1,3,1789 f.6). A second document is a 1959 report by the Sub-Prefect of Sandia to the Bureau of Indian Affairs in Lima, in which he explains that the ayllu of Hururo was composed in the past of six sectors known as "Puna-Jururo, Ñacoreque, Aricato, Lahualahuani, Huancasayani, and Mororia, of which the first one has separated becoming Hacienda Limata (...) Lahualahuani has also separated and is now an hacienda owned by Gerardo Smith; Aricato has separated and it is today the community of Aricato; as well as Mororia which is independent. Ñacoreque, which was the head of the community has also separated and is currently seeking official recognition" (ACCP, Huancasayani-Cumani [1959], f. 25).

²⁵Ayllu segments controlling complementary resources were linked by marriage alliances, as was the case in numerous other places in the Andes. See, for example, Harris (1982b: 80-81, note 18), Burchard (1980: 601), Favre (1977: 262), and Golte (1967: 29), who document how political separation led to changes in marriage patterns and produce circulation among ayllu segments.

²⁶The informant indicates, in other words, that inhabitants of these two segments still own property in each others' ayllus. For similar cases in Puno and Cusco see Vizcardo Arce (1968: 16), and Orlove and Custred (1980c: 44).

²⁷An old man from Puna Ayllu reiterated this basic idea. When I asked him if Puna Ayllu was part of this ayllu of Hururo he said no, Puna Ayllu was not part of Hururo, "Puna Ayllu did not travel, did not have that habit of exchanging."

²⁸The names of these ayllus are spelled variously as Jururo, Hururu, and Oruro. These ayllus may have had a territorial structure similar to the one described for the ayllu Hururo of Sandia. For example, the ayllu of Hururu in Crucero District (Carabaya Province) is dominated by vast pasture lands that stretch over the southern slopes of the snow-covered mountain of Aricoma, but it has residents in a potato-producing zone in the valley below. This group presented land titles from 1642 to substantiate their claims to the lands that "our ayllus possess in three zones, the cordillera, the head of the mountain and the mountain" (ACCP, Carabaya [1928] f.1, Map; ACCP, Oruro, Map). See Harris (1978) for a description of similar territorial structures in northern Potosí, Bolivia. In the case of the ayllu of Hururo it is possible that the original ethnic name became associated with an ecological quality -- it was a good potato producing area.

²⁹BMS, Actas de Elecciones 24/6/1894

³⁰See for example ANPS year 1925, instrument no. 102; year 1928 instrument no. 113; year 1929 instrument no. 12.

³¹The following description is largely based on interviews with older men during my fieldwork, and on documents at ANPS.

³²Mistis may have accumulated some campesino agricultural properties in order to consolidate their political power, not because they were interested in direct production. Economic subordination promoted the peasants' culture of deference towards mistis. See for example ANPS, year 1931, instrument No. 38.

³³The distinction between locals and immigrants was an important principle of social differentiation in colonial times (Golte 1980: 42, 69; Sanchez Albornoz 1978: 126). Colonial terms distinguishing locals and immigrants, such as originarios and forasteros (Platt 1982), or waris and llacuaz (La Barre 1948: 144), are still used in some regions of the southern Andes.

³⁴This statement is a short reconstruction from interviews with several old men from Puna Ayllu and Ura Ayllu.

³⁵In Taraco and Vilquechico in northern Puno it was not uncommon for Indians to possess more land than Spanish-speaking local elites, and yet the latter had a firm position of dominance (Martinez l962: note 26; see also Orlove 1980: 139-46).

³⁶BMS, Libro de Actas 1/04/1903; 15/03/1897; 18/10/1898.

³⁷See BMS Oficios, cartas y otros 18/1/1903.

³⁸See BMS Libro de actas 17/3/1888, which contains requests that the Indian Alcalde and Segunda authorities provide lists of these yanasins, considered by the governors to be the property of the Peruvian state.

³⁹The traditional authorities were maintained in other valleys of the region for a longer period of time (Montgomery 1965).

⁴⁰Until 1864 the hilaqatas were Indians in charge of collecting taxes owed by members of their groups (Basadre 1884:185). The role of the hilaqatas had changed by the 1900s from tax collectors to governor's servants.

⁴¹BMS, 1/04/1903 Oficios, Cartas y otros 21/04/1921 Copiador de Oficios 01/03/1921, 18/07/1896; Libros de Actas 27/09/1896, 09/01/1897, 10/05/1885; Oficios de la Junta 26/12/1923, 07/08/1924.

⁴²For example, ayllus had to provide porters, llamas and mules on a rotating basis for the transportation of kerosene, coca, alcohol, tools, construction materials and other items used in public construction or service (BMS, Oficios, Cartas y otros 18/01/1903, 12/03/1921).

⁴³In the Sandia valley, the ayllu of Kapuna was in charge of the montaña section of the road from Huarco to Cachicachi (BMS, Oficios, Cartas y otros 7/3/1938 and Oficios de la Junta 20/11/1922). Queneque was the "owner" of Chichanaco bridge on the outskirts of Sandia, and had to repair it every year (BMS, Oficios de la Junta 31/1/1891, 31/10/1923). Apabuco had the Chinchamali section in Valle Grande (BMS, 24/10/1922). Hururo had an unidentified section in Pucaramayo valley and the Ccotani portion in Valle Grande (BMS, Oficios de la Junta 94/12/1922). See Hyslop (1984) on the relationship between the Inca road system and the ethnic groups. Urton (1988) describes a case of community building construction as a symbol of ayllu membership.

⁴⁴This legislation, passed during the government of strongman Augusto B. Leguía, was part of a nationwide attempt to modernize Peru. One of Leguía's explicit goals, as stated in the political parlance of his days, was to "integrate" the Indian into the national life and economy (Hazen l974, Morner l985). Legislation recognizing the legal existence of corporate peasant communities was part of the same political strategy (see the next section on the emergence of communities).

⁴⁵By 1922, according to estimates of the municipality of Sandia, only twenty-five percent of the Indian population had rendered their road service (BMS, Oficios de la Junta 3/1/1921, 3/2/1921, 29/4/1921, 10/11/1922, and 12/12/1922).

⁴⁶The "Ancoccala-Tambopata road" project was approved by President A.B. Leguía in August 1923. The goal was to reach the coffee and gold producing valleys of the montaña (BMS, Oficios de la Junta 2/10/1923).

⁴⁷Resistance, however, was not violent. The Indians simply refused to attend corvée when ordered. (BMS, Oficios de la Junta 8/11/1923, and 13/11/1923).

⁴⁸These mostly were immigrants from the northeastern shores of Lake Titicaca (BMS, Oficios de la Junta 10/5/1924).

⁴⁹Ghersi and Aquino's study of Asillo, in northern Puno (1966) discusses similar events related to the misti emigration to cities. Agricultural assets were sold to Indian families as a result of this migratory movement of the rural elites. Ortiz (1963) includes some comparative information for southern Puno.

⁵⁰The migration of rural elites to the cities was a common phenomenon all over Peru during the 1950s and 1960s. Rural elites from remote highland valleys moved to the cities in search of better-paying jobs and/or educational opportunities (Favre 1964, 1977). See also Orlove's (1980) work on the position of rural elites after the agrarian reform in Cusco.

⁵¹This is from a conversation with an old woman from Llaqta Ayllu, translated from Quechua.

⁵²Favre (1977: 259) discusses the case of several communities in northern Huancavelica which split up in order to escape the political domination of the Spanish speaking elites that resided in the district capital. These communities financed the relocation and reorganization of their villages with cash earned in migrations to coastal haciendas. See Flores and Palacios' (n.d. 46-7) study of a rebellion of herders in Puno. This was a violent uprising in reaction to misti attempts to control peasant markets and the Indigenous system of religious fiestas.

⁵³See Davies l974; Hazen 1974: 196-7; Perú 1948.

⁵⁴Documentation for this section comes mostly from the community dossiers of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. These portfolios contain the standard documentation required by the legislation of 1925 and other papers provided by the community to demonstrate to bureaucratic representatives of the Peruvian State its historical claim to the status of "community." The documentation includes maps, population censuses, an ethnographic 'memoir' demonstrating collective landownership, notarial copies of old manuscripts in support of this claim, and reports of the subprefect of Sandia discussing these and related materials. I will rely mostly on evidence related to the communities of Sandia valley, but I will also refer to the experience of neighboring zones to complement this information. See also Hazen (1974) and Vizcardo (1968).

⁵⁵The 1925 legislation established the procedures for the democratic election of the community representatives (personeros). This position was added to the political offices already in place. Personeros had to be literate and registered on the Obligatory Military Service roll (Perú 1948: 123-124).

⁵⁶Campesinos from Sandia searched for new forms of social and political organization beginning with their resistance to corvée labor on the road from Ancoccala to Tambopata. It is possible that this new leadership developed in opposition to the system which placed Indian authorities under the command of district-level misti officers. For example, in October of 1923 two Indians of Laqueque, representing their ayllu, wrote a letter to the subprefect of Sandia. They stated the reasons why they thought corvée was illegal, and requested that it be abolished. The subprefect wrote in turn to the governor of Sandia District telling him that the Indians of Laqueque had to work all the days they owed and he further wondered about "the titles of 'Treasurer' and 'Alderman' that these [two Indians] give to themselves. What kind of government have they in their community? You [Mr. Governor] should investigate its goals, and suppress it if it exists, because their aims cannot be honest or good." The subprefect was reacting here against a breach in the culture of deference expected of Indians. In other words, institutions such as 'Treasurer' and 'Alderman' were only honest and good if held by the local elite (BMS, Oficios de la Junta 8/11/1923).

⁵⁷For example, immediately after Quiaca Ayllu presented its request for official recognition, their members stopped going to work in the haciendas of Huacuire and Pujina, both owned by Pío León Cabrera, a renowned misti from Sandia. The manager explained to the Bureau of Indian Affairs that: "probably guided by the ideas of one of those redeemers of the peasantry, that one finds nowadays everywhere...[the Indians of Quiaca Ayllu] are now attempting to bypass their obligations. Indeed, not a single one has fulfilled his services [at the hacienda] and they even had the arrogance to threaten me..." (ACCP, Quiaca, f. 28)

⁵⁸This community is located in the District of Ayapata, Carabaya Province.

⁵⁹For example, Quiaca Ayllu's personero, or representative, spent 12,819 soles between December l966 and May 1967, an impressive amount of money given the standards of those days (ACCP, Quiaca, pp. 212-218).

⁶⁰Buechler (1968: 55) discusses similar events in the division of cantóns (districts) and community recognition in Bolivia.

⁶¹Favre (1977) provides a fascinating study of the political dynamics that generated ayllu and district segmentation in northern Huancavelica. His study has interesting parallels with the case of Sandia. Factors that led to segmentation in both cases include access to cash from seasonal migration, the restructuring of regional barter systems, the evolution of new production zones in the ayllus that became independent units, and changes in the fiesta system that had formerly integrated residential peasant segments.

⁶²See Favre (1977: 261) for Huancavelica; Inamura (1981: 65-7) for Arequipa; Collins (1981: 43) and Painter (1981: 34) for Puno.

⁶³See Ortiz (1963: 103-4); Collins (1980: 43); Preston (1978); Vizcardo Arce (1968: 16).

⁶⁴In fact, most minor ayllus of Sandia had primary schools before they officially were recognized. Peasants hired private teachers in the face of strong opposition from mistis. In seeking recognition they correctly assumed that the state would take financial responsibility for the recently established schools.