| Published monograph of the Production, Storage, and Exchange (PSE) in a Terraced Environment on the Eastern Andean Escarpment |
Work, Reproduction, and Health in Two Andean Communities
Chapter 5 - Footnotes
1 (Sp., farm, ranch), referring to terraces and land in the Cuyo Cuyo valley proper.
2 Alcohol and cigarettes are also essential for mining work. Alcohol "warms" the body and promotes its efficient use in the cold climate of Ancoccala; cigarettes attract the Anchanchu or Tío Juaniquillo, the spirit in charge of releasing gold, in both gold mining zones. Coca, alcohol, and cigarettes are utilized in both agricultural and mining work, and in associated rituals to ensure the favor of supernatural beings in charge of releasing the products of the earth to humans.
3 Recharte's observations differ somewhat (pers. comm.). This can be attributed to the fact that the camps he observed had hired cooks. The men I interviewed worked in both the yunka and Madre de Dios and were describing their work schedules without cooks, when men must get up earlier to prepare breakfast for themselves.
4 Cuyo Cuyeños generally wait until sunrise to venture out of their communities, after the evil night-time spirits have been completely dispersed. Likewise they try to arrive home by dusk before the spirit world returns.
5 The young man most likely died of pulmonary edema, according to the symptoms.
6 At this time the exchange rate was approximately 17 intis to one U.S. dollar.
7 A "u" instead an "o" at the end of the word reflects Quechua-speakers' pronunciation of Spanish. Quechua contains only three vowels, with the "o" and "u" combined into one sound.
8 Cuyo Cuyo men regularly carry 100-150 lbs; some men reported carrying up to two quintales, or 220 lbs. Women regularly carry 50, 75, even 100 lbs., often with a baby on top.
9 See Recharte (1988) for a complete description of gold mining technology in Ancoccala. Gasoline water pumps and chain saws are occasionally used in Madre de Dios.
10 Most of the Personal Hygiene category is clothes-washing, but the category also includes such activities as bathing, hair braiding, picking lice, and housecleaning.
11 Camelid dung is a valued source of cooking fuel in Ancoccala and Puna Ayllu. See Winterhalder, Larsen and Thomas (1974) for a discussion of the importance of dung in highland communities.
12 Cuyo Cuyeños do not eat potato peels as they are considered unfit for human consumption.
13 It is customary for women and their husbands to wear new clothing during fiestas. This is especially important when they are sponsoring a fiesta.
14 PSE attempted an "indirect child care" category, but this was unsuccessful for various reasons. Among these were the ambiguity of the category and the impossibility of knowing which, if any, family member was taking responsibility for the child, and possible male bias of research assistants.
15 House remodeling is distinguished from house building, which is conducted in a ritual atmosphere and is discussed below under ayni.
16 The Puna Ayllu sample has a disproportionate number of entrepreneurs (both men and women) and individuals with relatively advanced levels of education (a teacher and a civil servant).
17 Comuneros were hired with government relief money, for example, to repair damage after a 1987 landslide.
18 See Recharte (1990: 166-169) for an example of the competitive aspects of ayni work in mining in Ancoccala.
19 To hold political office in the comunidades, a person must be literate.
20 PSE attempted to code for a breast-feeding category but this was unsuccessful.
21 Although American biomedicine has commodified babies to a certain extent, treating women as baby-producing machines (Martin 1987), Americans haven't gone so far as to consider the entire process of reproduction as "work."
22 Margaret Graham (pers. comm.) reports similar experiences during her research with Ura Ayllu women, as did the Boltons, who conducted research in a Qolla community in southern Puno (Bolton and Bolton 1976).
