| Published monograph of the Production, Storage, and Exchange (PSE) in a Terraced Environment on the Eastern Andean Escarpment |
Cultivating Diversity: Field Scattering as Agricultural Risk Management in Cuyo Cuyo, Department of Puno, Peru
Chapter 6 - Inputs to Agriculture Labor and Its Scheduling
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fields to deposit dung (while penned in a transportable corral). Although fields in both communities are directly fertilized by grazing animals during the years they lie fallow, the wanuna provides more concentrated fertilization immediately prior to planting.
In the wanuna procedure, sheep are penned overnight in the fields prior to plowing, using transportable pens (lliqas) that are constructed of totora reeds. A lliqa will be placed in one spot on the field for two consecutive 24-hour periods. During the days the sheep graze on fallow land as normal, but during the night they are enclosed in the pens and drop their dung on the soon-to-be plowed land. The pens are not standardized, but in general enclose an area of about 4 x 4 meters. Usually about twenty, sometimes more, sheep are enclosed. After two nights, the pen is moved to an adjacent section of the field. Informants characterize the wanuna in terms of the number of animals enclosed and the number of lliqas. Thus when 20 animals are used for 4 lliqas in the wanuna, this translates to 20 animals for 8 nights. Lliqa thus refers not only to the pen itself, but also to the "two-night enclosure." Since few families own the number of animals usually needed for the wanuna, additional animals may be acquired through rental or loans which are later repaid in kind (ayni). Of those fields for which there are wanuna data, all used animals in addition to those owned by the family.
In 1985-86, there were 26 potato fields planted in the Ura Ayllu estancia. Fourteen were fertilized with wanunas, and eight of these received no additional fertilization. During 1986-87, of the 29 papa manda fields in the Ura Ayllu estancia, 16 were fertilized using the wanuna system. Of these 16, only one received any additional form of fertilizer.
Plowing (barbecho) mixes the fertilizer with the soil. Accomplished with the wiri, the barbecho is the most arduous of the agricultural tasks, and the one most likely to involve labor beyond that of the nuclear family. Prior to actually overturning the soil, the ground surface will be cleared of rocks and stones (these are tossed onto standing walls and paths), and weeds will be dug out of both the ground surface and, sometimes, the overhanging rock facing of the terrace walls.
In 1986, Puna Aylleños spent a total of 120 worker-days in preparation of the fields of the estancia papa manda fields (Table 6.2). This sum includes fertilization (22 days), plowing (56 days), k'upay (24.5 days), and surface clearing of rocks, etc. (18 days). This is equivalent to 269 worker-days per hectare for field preparations (Table 6.3). Of all Puna Ayllu field types, the estancia manda potato field preparations are the most labor intensive. In subsequent years of the rotation fields required less preparation (mostly, clearing stones from the surface): in the second year of the rotation 22 worker-days per hectare; in the third year 20 worker-days per hectare; and in the fourth year 14 worker-days per hectare were required for preparation.
In 1986, Ura Aylleños spent a total of 113 worker-days in preparation of the fields of the estancia papa manda (Table 6.2). This sum includes 4 days of fertilization, 48 days of plowing, 26 days of k'upay, and 36 days of surface clearing. This sums to 352 days/ha for all field preparations (Table 6.3). As in Puna Ayllu, the preparation of the papa manda fields are the most labor intensive. Other years of the rotation require only surface clearing of rocks. Fields in the second year of rotation required 113 days/ha; third year fields needed only 43 days/ha, and fourth year fields 34 days/ha.
One of the interesting contrasts in field preparations between the two communities is the difference in amount of time spent fertilizing. It can be traced to the use of wanunas in Ura Ayllu vs. directly transporting and spreading dung in Puna Ayllu. Per hectare, Puna Aylleños required 754 worker-days of labor for fertilizing the estancia potato fields. In Ura Ayllu only 352 days/ha were required. Over half of Ura Ayllu's potato fields were fertilized using a wanuna and received no other application of fertilizer.
PLANTING
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With dates decided and warnings about errant livestock issued, Cuyo Cuyeños head to their fields to begin planting. Planting always involves pairs of men and women, the men to handle the footplow and the women to place the seed into the ground. Typically, nuclear families manage all of their own planting. Only infrequently, such as in the case of elderly couples or those with large quantities of land, others will assist, either through an ayni labor exchange or as jornaleros (paid laborers).
Technically, planting is not a complex affair. For tubers, the seed (small whole tubers, or in the case of potatoes, sometimes cut potato) is simply placed in the ground by a woman after her companion has lifted the soil with the footplow. Almost always, two seeds are placed side-by-side in the ridge, although not in the same hole. The pairs of seed are called qholla (pair, a word also used to describe any other paired object, including men and women). Only the potato crop is accompanied by fertilizer. In these instances a small amount of fertilizer (either local, commercial, or a combination of the two) is placed in small amounts in the hole with the seed. When the seeds used are potatoes which have been cut, they may be coated beforehand with insecticides - again, either synthetic or in one case ground guinea pig dung. For the potato crop only, once the seed is planted small amounts of the powdered insecticide Aldrin may be spread on the ground surface above each seed. Frequently the powder is placed in a porous cloth (such as cheesecloth) and dusted over each spot. The last step of planting--again, most often for potatoes--is the k'upay, beating the clods of dirt with a crude wooden mallet (k'upana) to break them up. Younger children may contribute labor to this task.
In 1986, Puna Aylleños spent a total of 121 days planting in the estancia manda (Table 6.2). The potato fields were the most intensive of the plantings: they required 66 worker-days, or 129 days/ha (Table 6.4). Fields in the second year of the rotation consumed 28 worker-days of planting (117 days/ha). A total of 15 worker-days were spent planting fields in the third year of rotation (51 days/ha). And finally, fields in the fourth year of rotation were planted in 12 worker-days (53 days/ha). Fields in the first two years of the rotation required more than double the labor for planting, compared to the third and fourth year fields, demonstrating the greater labor required for planting tubers versus habas. Soils may become increasingly loose with each passing year of the rotation.
The array of planting dates in Ura Ayllu is commensurate with the complexity of the agricultural systems utilized by the community. In addition to the planting of the estancia fields, which generally mirrors that described for Puna Ayllu, Ura Aylleños also manage plantings of early potato fields (papa milli), potato fields rented in other communities (specifically Ñacoreque) with their own distinctive scheduling, and fields of maize and other lower-elevation crops in the community anexo of Aripo, downvalley.
Potato fields which are located on the floodplain (Sollanque Pampa or Empresa Pampa), are the first to be planted. This is the zone in which the communal agricultural enterprise (empresa communal) owns land. The land that is not needed by the empresa is annually rented to individual households. This zone is planted first because it generally must be harvested first: the pampa is poorly drained and tends to be damp. In years of normal to high rainfall it is important to harvest these potatoes before they rot. The planting of the empresa fields serves to open the estancia planting season with a massive faena (communal work party).
The second set of estancia fields planted are the habas fields. Generally speaking, potato fields located on terraces will be planted next, and the last crop to be planted is oca (and other minor tubers). This ordering is subject to a good deal of overlap.
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The Fiesta of Rosario, honoring the patron saint of the District of Cuyo Cuyo, serves as a target date for the completion of all planting. In 1986, the festival began on October 5th, and of the 139 fields with complete information on planting dates in Puna Ayllu, all but one had been planted. All fields in Ura Ayllu were planted by the start of Rosario in 1986. Nearly the same was true in 1985.
In 1986, Ura Aylleños spent a total of 122 days planting in the estancia manda (Table 6.2). The potato fields consumed the greatest number of days (47 worker-days, or 145 days/ha) (Table 6.4). Fields in the second year of the rotation (hatun tarpuy manda) were planted in 28 worker-days (127 days/ha). The total amount of time spent planting fields in the third year of the rotation was similar (26 worker-days), although per hectare, intensity was slightly reduced (108 days/ha). Finally, fields in the fourth year of the rotation (habas) required 21 days of planting work, or 95 days/ha.
WEEDING AND HILLING
Between planting and harvesting, the fields must be hilled and weeded. Most estancia fields receive two aporques--91% in Puna Ayllu and 93% in Ura Ayllu. A few fields received no aporques, and a few had three.
The only tool needed for the aporque is the rawk'ana, a small hand-held hoe. While women are the chief laborers for this task, men (if not elsewhere mining) will participate. Even young children are quite capable of helping out. Weeds are removed and soil is excavated out of the furrows and placed around the base of the plants. For habas, the aporques are opportunities for adding ash into the soil. If potato fields are fumigated this occurs between the two aporques.
Almost all fields of Puna Ayllu's estancia manda received two weedings. In total, 269 days were spent weeding (and hilling) in the estancia (Table 6.2). Potatoes received the bulk of this care (110 worker-days, or 226 days/ha) (Table 6.5). Second year fields were weeded in 58 worker-days (226 days/ha). A total of 52 worker-days were needed to weed fields in the third year of the rotation (206 days/ha). Fourth year fields were similar, requiring a total of 49 worker-days, or 213 days/ha. Per area, weeding intensity is nearly identical in each year of the rotation cycle.
In Ura Ayllu's estancia manda, a total of 275 days were spent weeding (Table 6.2), with potatoes receiving the bulk of this care (86 days) by a slight margin. Per hectare, the potato crop required 264 worker-days (Table 6.5). Fields in subsequent years of the rotation required similar intensity of weeding: 259 days/ha in the second year, 284 days/ha in the third year, and 240 days/ha in the fourth year.
HARVEST
Puna Aylleño families return from their mine to the nuclear community expressly for the harvest (cosecha). In fact, during the earlier portions of the harvest, when continued rain maintains the viability of placer mining, they may shuttle back and forth between Ancoccala and Puna Ayllu, despite the difficulties of the five hour trip on foot.
Generally, the first of the harvests in Puna Ayllu are the potato fields of the estancia, beginning in mid to late March. These are followed in April (and extending into May) by the oca fields of the estancia. In 1987, the harvest of habas of the estancia began in early May, as many families attempted to complete this work before turning to the last harvests, the potato
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and oca fields of Awi Awi. In 1986, when the Awi Awi fields were not at such high elevation, the habas of the estancia were the last to be harvested, after Awi Awi. The estancia potato and oca fields were the first to be harvested (beginning in early March and late March, respectively).
While the onset of the major harvest is to some degree determined by rainfall (in a wet year, the harvest will be accelerated, at least in the fields of the pampa), by and large the moveable feast of Carnival serves as the target date for Ura Aylleños to begin their harvest season. Carnival, during which Lent begins, fell in mid-February in 1986, and was the first week of March in 1987. In 1987 the potato harvest began in mid- to late-February. In 1986 this harvest began slightly earlier, in early- to mid-February.5
The remainder of the estancia crops follows the potato fields: the oca (both hatun tarpuy and cuti) harvests begin in April and continue into May. The habas fields are the last to be harvested: generally speaking, this occurs in May. Oca and habas fields planted outside of the estancia follow the same timing for harvest.
For tubers, the main challenge of the harvest is to excavate them from the soil with as little tissue damage as possible. If the soil is clayey and/or adheres because of weeds, large clumps will be removed with the rawk'ana, and then the clumps will be beaten with the flat of the rawk'ana to loosen the tubers, lowering the risk of splitting them with the blade. Excavation always proceeds from upslope downwards, one furrow at a time. Entry to the root zone is through the lateral edges of the furrow. One hand swings the rawk'ana, while the other quickly picks out the loosened tubers as they become visible. Cloth or plastic spread on the ground is used to accumulate excavated tubers. The Spanish verb excavar (to excavate) is used to talk about the harvest of tubers.
For habas, the actual harvest is a rapid affair. The stalks are allowed to dry in the fields, and then are simply uprooted or snapped (quebrar, to break) at their base and piled for transport home.
Harvest of the Puna Ayllu potato fields required, in total, 156 worker-days (343 days/ha) (Tables 6.2 and 6.6). Labor for harvesting fields in the second year of rotation was nearly as intensive: they required 92 worker-days (313 days/ha). As described above, harvest of habas is easily accomplished: the third year fields were harvested in 27 worker-days (93 days/ha). The figures for fields in the fourth year of the rotation are similar: a total of 49 worker-days, or 94 days per hectare.
In Ura Ayllu, the potato harvest required, in total, 115 worker-days (276 days per hectare) (Tables 6.2 and 6.6). For the fields in the second year of the rotation, 72 days were needed, or 327 days per hectare. Fields in the third year were harvested in 46 days (276 days/ha). Finally, 18 days were spent harvesting the fields in the fourth year of rotation. This is equivalent to 98 days per hectare. The large drop in harvest labor for the fourth year fields mirrors that seen in Puna Ayllu between the second and subsequent years of the rotation. The drop is accounted for by the ease of harvesting habas.
Comparison of Work Intensity in the Estancia Mandas
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As indicated in Table 6.3 and Figure 6.2, the intensity of labor for field preparations in the first year of rotation (the potato crop) is higher in Ura Ayllu than in Puna Ayllu. The aggregate result holds for each of the component parts--fertilizing, plowing, k'upay, and clearing--with the exception or fertilizing. Puna Aylleños spent an average of 956 days/ha plowing (barbecho), in comparison to Ura Ayllu's 1178 days/ha for the same task. In the k'upay which follows plowing, Puna Aylleños spent 563 days/ha, versus 756 days/ha in Ura Ayllu. Although these differences are not great (and probably not statistically significant), I suspect that they reflect consistent differences. In particular, the soils of Ura Ayllu's fields located in the floodplain of the valley may be more difficult to plow and k'upay. The soils on terraces are usually easier to work. Ura Aylleños also spent more time in clearing activities than did Puna Aylleños: 741 days/ha versus 219 days/ha. I can only speculate on the source of this divergence. In 1986, the Ura Ayllu papa manda was planted in the sector called Hutun Rumi Senqa. This zone of terracing is highly unstable, and recent scree litters the area, increasing the amount of time required to clear the field surface.
Labor for fertilizing is the only task which is more intensive in Puna Ayllu than in Ura Ayllu. This finding can be directly attributed to the difference in the way fields of the two communities are fertilized. Puna Aylleños must transport dung from their cordillera grazing grounds to their fields and then spread it. Ura Aylleños corral their sheep overnight in transportable pens (lliqas) right in the fields. In Puna Ayllu, a total of 22 days were spent in fertilization (equivalent to 754 days per hectare), while in Ura Ayllu, only 4 days were spent in the same task (equivalent to a labor-saving 146 days per hectare). Jamtgaard (1984) argues that long distance between pastures and fields results in incomplete integration of the agricultural and pastoral production sectors. Excessive transport costs may result in the inadequate fertilization of fields. The data on labor inputs for fertilizing suggest that more labor may be required in Puna Ayllu because of the greater distance involved in obtaining and transporting dung. In the next chapter it will be possible to examine whether or not this results in diminished fertilizer inputs.
With respect to planting, the intensity of labor for the potato crop is very similar in the two communities (129 days/ha in Puna Ayllu, 145 days/ha in Ura Ayllu). In both communities, intensity of labor in planting diminishes after the first year crop. In Puna Ayllu, labor intensity for planting drops dramatically between the second and the third years. Intensities in the third and the fourth years are low and nearly identical (51 days/ha and 53 days/ha), due to the predominance of habas. In Ura Ayllu, habas predominate only in the fourth year of the rotation, while the third year has some pure habas fields, and other polycrops of tubers and habas. This is reflected in the gradual but steady decrease in planting labor intensity in Ura Ayllu.
In both communities, in all years of the rotation, weeding intensity remains fairly constant, from a low of 206 days per hectare (Puna Ayllu, year three) to a high of 284 days per hectare (Ura Ayllu, year three). However, as a percentage of all labor (see Table 6.15), weeding intensity increases steadily in both communities during the course of the rotation cycle.
Relative differences in labor intensity for harvesting associated with each rotation year of the cycle are similar to those observed for planting. In Puna Ayllu, the first two years of the rotation are similar, while the intensity for harvesting in years three and four drops dramatically. In Ura Ayllu, the intensity remains high through year three of the cycle, and then diminishes. Harvesting intensity for the fourth year fields in Ura Ayllu is very similar to that for years three and four in Puna Ayllu, again due to the relative ease of harvesting habas.
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Some of the trends noted above hold true also for the intensity of all labors combined. Except for harvest, labor intensity for each task associated with potato fields in the estancia was greater in Ura Ayllu. This is reflected in the greater intensity of total labor for first year fields in Ura Ayllu, 1041 days/ha versus 958 days/ha in Puna Ayllu (Table 6.7). In both communities, total labor declines in the second year of the rotation. Most of this decline is accounted for by large reductions in the quantity of labor needed for field preparations. In Puna Ayllu, total labor intensity drops sharply between the second and third years, and the third and fourth years are very similar (352 days/ha and 369 days/ha). Again, this difference is due to the relative ease of planting and harvesting habas. In Ura Ayllu, third year fields with their mix of habas and tubers are intermediate in intensity between the preceding and following rotation years. The fourth year fields of Ura Ayllu are similar to the habas fields of Puna Ayllu, requiring 409 days/ha total labor.
Labor Inputs in the Awi Awi Manda
PLANTING
There are no field preparations prior to planting in the Awi Awi manda. In 1985 planting potatoes in Awi Awi occurred between late August and late September. In the following year (when the papa manda in Awi Awi was at its highest elevation), the potato fields in Awi Awi manda were planted after all the fields of the estancia manda, in mid- to late-September. For potatoes, planting was followed by fertilization and plowing. In 1986 the potato fields of Awi Awi were planted in the last week of September.
Due to the long period of fallow in this manda (5 years) sod forms between croppings. In planting, divots of the sod are lifted by the wiri and the seed is placed in the ground. Several weeks later, dung is spread on the ground surface above the rows of seed. After several days, the sod is turned over, mixing the fertilizer in with the soil.6 This process is presumably a response to the colder climatic conditions in Awi Awi. It allows the seed to take root while protected from frost by its sod covering. K'upay may follow the barbecho, but in Awi Awi the clods of dirt which are formed as the soil is overturned are frequently left intact.
In order to facilitate comparison with the potato fields of the estancia manda, I maintain the same definitions of aggregate labors. Even though fertilizing, plowing, and the k'upay follow planting in Awi Awi, I continue to aggregate these, along with clearing, as "field preparation."
In Awi Awi, fields in the first year of the rotation (potato fields) were planted in an aggregate 95 worker-days (Table 6.2), or 88 days per hectare (Table 6.8). Fields in the second year of the rotation were planted in 25 worker-days, or 69 days per hectare. None of the oca fields of Awi Awi were fertilized. In contrast, 40 days were spent spreading fertilizer on the Awi Awi papa manda fields. This amounts to 494 days/ha.
Following fertilization comes the barbecho. Field preparations here are less intensive than in those of the estancia manda: in Awi Awi, a total of 180 worker-days were spent in this chore (181 days/ha, compared to 269 days/ha required in the estancia). By specific task, this
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included 11 days in surface clearing, 40 days in fertilizing, 111 days in plowing, and 18 days in the k'upay which follows. Note that, compared to the estancia, the reduction in labor intensity derives predominantly from reduced surface clearing and the k'upay. When barbecho (plowing) alone is considered, intensity is nearly identical: 99 days/ha in the estancia; 93 days/ha in Awi Awi.
Like non-potato fields in the estancia, fields in the second year of the rotation require little in the way of field preparations. The surface is cleared of stones. In Awi Awi this consumed a total of 4 worker days, or 22 days/ha.
WEEDING AND HILLING
In Awi Awi, the labor demands of weeding and hilling tasks are reduced. Generally, potato fields are visited for this purpose only once. The long distance from the community more than any other factor may explain this. Table 6.9 summarizes this information for all Puna Ayllu families. As is apparent, the majority of estancia fields received two aporques (50 of 58 fields, or 86%), while 6 (10%) received three, and two fields (3%) received only one; none of the fields had no aporque. Of the estancia fields in the second year of the rotation, all had two aporques. Among 29 estancia potato fields, 2 had one aporque, 21 had two, and 6 had three aporques. In contrast, 8 of the Awi Awi fields (16%) had no aporque, over half (53%) received only one aporque, and 31% received two aporques; none had three aporques. Of the 16 Awi Awi fields which did have two aporques, 15 of these were oca fields, and only one was a potato field. Of the fields with no aporque, all were potatoes.
There are several possible explanations for the decreased attention to aporque in Awi Awi relative to the estancia. First, it may be that the higher elevation of the Awi Awi and the colder climate inhibits growth of weed species, as it certainly does the cultivated species. This is probably the case, although in 1986-87 the major impediment to higher production in the potato manda of Huacuyo was the weed identified by informants as Muchuyccora (Rumex sp., Bennet, n.d.). Second, given the longer fallow in Awi Awi the need for hilling to provide a deeper nutrient base around the plants may be reduced. In addition, aporque may provide greater drainage of estancia fields by deepening the furrows. This function may be less imperative in Awi Awi, where the fields generally have greater slope. Finally, distance may explain the apparent casualness of aporque in Awi Awi. For the 1986-87 data presented in Table 6.9, it is obvious that the Awi Awi fields most likely to receive two aporques, the oca fields, were also those located nearer to the nuclear community. But this observation does not provide unequivocal demonstration that it is distance (rather than crop) that determines the number of aporques. The one potato field noted above that received two aporques was located in an anexo of the Huacuyo manda and hence closer to the community.
A better way to approach this question is to examine the number of aporques on the 1986-87 Awi Awi oca fields during the preceding year (when they were planted in potato) and the number of aporques for the Awi Awi oca manda of 1985-86. In 1985, when the potato manda of Awi Awi was closer to the community, the fields were in fact more likely to receive no aporques (33% vs. 22% in the following year). On the other hand, in both years, all of the oca fields were cared for with two aporques. It thus seems evident that distance is not the operative factor. Rather, the most important determinant of the number of aporques is the crop, with oca receiving the greater number. This is probably the case, because with each successive year after the field is brought out of fallow and a sod cover, more pioneer plants move into the disturbed habitat created by plowing and harvesting.
Potato fields of Awi Awi were weeded and hilled in 51 worker-days (Table 6.2), or 63 days per hectare (Table 6.8). This is only about one-fourth of the labor expended in the
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estancia potato fields. The oca manda fields are more carefully cared for: 61 worker-days were spent in weeding, or 170 days/ha.
HARVEST
Harvesting in Awi Awi is late, generally in May. In most of the sectors harvest work is completed in daily forays from the home. However in 1987 the potato harvest in Awi Awi was in the uppermost and most distant manda, Huacuyo. Because of the distance (and perhaps because of greater risk of theft), families camped in or near their fields for the duration of the harvest.
Despite bitter cold (at 3850 meters and above) and heavy dampness, the event takes on a festive tone. Families establish temporary shelters covered with sheets of plastic (toldes - from Spanish for hut). Some of these are nothing more than awnings stretched from the back wall of a terrace to the ground surface below. Other families have semi-subterranean circular structures of stacked stone on their fields over which protective plastics are stretched. Subdued grazing llamas, which wait to transport the produce, the lazy ascent of smoke from cooking fires, and the full moon add a bucolic gentle touch to the otherwise harsh conditions of both work and climate.
Two special associations mark the Huacuyo harvest as a festive time. First, the sod overburden on the fields is used to bake potatoes in earth ovens, called watia. Puna Aylleños excitedly anticipate the opportunity to bake their freshly harvested potatoes in the watia. Gifts of watia (the baked tubers are also called by this name) circulate as a sign of affection.
The construction of the watia oven begins by leveling out a bit of ground. Paja (grass) is used to start a fire, and bit by bit weeds and sod are added. After several hours, when a good base of ashes and embers has been established, potatoes are placed in the oven and stirred about amongst the embers. More sod and weeds are heaped on top as a cover and the potatoes are left to bake for about an hour. Besides the obvious enjoyment of eating potatoes cooked with a different method, and tasting of earth and smoke, this process also makes good practical sense. Harvesters use the fuels on hand to cook their meals, rather than having to transport them from the community. Each day, the watia is established in a new spot, clearing the immediate surrounding area of sod and weeds. Since the watia ovens produce a residue of ash and organic matter, this has value fertilizer and is dispersed throughout fields.
The second special mark of the Awi Awi harvest is that residents of Sandia (about 40 km downvalley, in the ceja de la selva) travel to the fields to exchange their lowland products for potato seed. Oranges, bananas, tangerines, and breads are the most commonly traded goods.7 Such exchanges, trueques, are measured in chalas. For example, a trueque may consist of a trade of about 1 lb. of potatoes for the same weight of bananas. As indicated, the chala involves only small quantities. The vocabulary for exchange is well-developed, but
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elusive. The Spanish "intercambiar" is sometimes used, I believe when the equivalencies of the exchange are calculated with reference to monetary value. One "intercambio" described to me involved meat for potatoes. The meat, valued at S/120,000 was traded for 3 arrobas (1 arroba = 25 lbs) of potatoes (at S/40,000 each). Although not all exchanges by Puna Aylleños take place at the moment of harvest in Awi Awi, these exchanges are especially convenient because they reduce the cumbersome burden to be transported home, at least by a small amount.
Puna Aylleños spent a total of 252 days harvesting their potato fields in Awi Awi. This amounts to a labor intensity of 259 days/ha, less than found in the estancia (343 days/hectare). Labor in the oca harvest is less than that for potatoes: a total of 70 days were spent in this activity, or 198 days/ha. This is quite different from the harvest of oca in the estancia, where, per hectare, 313 days were spent harvesting.
Comparison of Labor in Puna Ayllu's Estancia Manda versus Awi Awi
POTATO FIELDS
In all tasks, Puna Aylleños work less time per unit area in the potato fields of Awi Awi than in the estancia manda (Figure 6.3). Field preparations require less labor in Awi Awi (181 days per hectare versus 269). The difference in planting is of the same order (88 days/ha versus 129). The greatest difference between labor intensity in the two production zones occurs in weeding. While the fields in Awi Awi required only 63 days per hectare, the estancia potato fields required 226 days/ha. Most of the fields of Awi Awi are weeded and hilled only once during the growing season, while in the estancia the norm is two such visits per field. Of all the days spent in potato production in the estancia, 24% of them are spent weeding. In Awi Awi only 9% of the total labor time is used for weeding (Table 6.15).
Finally, harvest labor per unit area in Awi Awi is somewhat less than that for the estancia (259 days/ha versus 343). In total, while the potato fields in Awi Awi required only 573 days total labor per hectare, those of the estancia required 958 days. By any standard, despite these differences both are labor intensive (see summary for this chapter).
OCA FIELDS
The differences in labor applied per unit area for production of oca in the Awi Awi and estancia mandas generally mirror those noted above for potatoes. In total work, oca production in the Awi Awi manda required 451 days per hectare, while the estancia required a total of 675 days/ha. Except for field preparations (equal in the two zones), the duration of labor utilized for each task in Awi Awi is less than in the estancia. Although oca fields in both production zones are weeded twice, this task consumes less time in Awi Awi (170 days/ha vs. 226 days/ha in the estancia).8 Labor time for harvest is also considerably diminished (198
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days/ha in Awi Awi, versus 313). This is unlike the potato fields, where the difference in harvesting labor between the two production zones was quite small.
Labor Inputs in the Fields of Paqhchani
The fields in Paqhchani--a zone of terraces just downvalley from the community of Ura Ayllu and outside of its estancia manda--are used for growing potatoes (especially papa milli) and oca. A second potato crop (papa panq'o) may also be grown in these fields. This agricultural zone is the one nearest the community in which it is possible to grow early potatoes and double crop potatoes. During the years documented, eight out of the ten study families utilized fields in Paqhchani. In 1986-87, out of a total of 16 fields, 13 were used for potatoes (eight of these were papa milli and of these eight, three were subsequently planted with a crop of papa panq'o). Three fields were cropped with oca as a second year crop. Use of Paqhchani lands is not governed by the community as strictly as is the estancia manda.
FIELD PREPARATIONS
The thirteen papa milli and papa wata (yearly potato) fields were the only ones which required large inputs of labor prior to planting. In sum, 89 worker-days were spent in the preparation of these fields (Table 6.2), or 285 worker-days per hectare (Table 6.10). This sum includes application of fertilizers, plowing, the k'upay, and surface clearing of rocks, etc. In contrast, none of the three papa panq'o fields planted later in the year required preparation. They were planted immediately after the harvest of the papa milli crop. The three oca fields required a total of 2 worker-days for preparation (60 days/ha).
PLANTING
The sembrio (planting) of the potato fields (milli and wata) required a total of 45 worker-days, or 130 days/ha. Inexplicably, the 5 worker-days reported for planting papa panq'o reflects a much reduced labor intensity of 35 days/ha.9 The oca fields were planted in 11 worker-days, or 111 days/ha.
WEEDING
Just as in the fields already described for Puna Ayllu and Ura Ayllu, the trend toward longer durations of labor effort for weeding in successive cropping years is also evident in Paqhchani. The thirteen (milli and wata) potato fields were weeded in a cumulative 58 days, or 165 days/ha. Again, the figure for the papa panq'o fields is anomalously low: a total of 6 days' labor results in an intensity of 68 days/ha (see footnote 8). The three oca fields were weeded with 25 days of labor, or 238 days/ha. This figure is very similar to that calculated for
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the estancia manda oca fields (259 days/ha). As in Awi Awi, weeding of the Paqhchani oca fields is more labor intensive than is weeding of the potato fields.
HARVEST
Because many of the potato fields of Paqhchani are papa milli fields, harvest may take a variety of forms: all of the field may be harvested at once, the field may be completely harvested in a series of "early," small harvests (ankachas), or there may be some combination of the two. Ankachas begin in December. Some families describe their strategy in terms of weekly trips to the fields, over a period as long as two months. Each time they harvest about 1/2 arroba (an arroba is 25 lbs). This continues until no more potatoes remain. Some fields may thus be completely exhausted in ankacha, while in others, a real harvest (cosecha) terminates ankacha. Since many milli fields are planted with both wata and chaucha varieties, it is likely that the chauchas are removed in ankacha, while the watas are left to reach full maturity before their harvest.
Of the thirteen potato fields documented, one was completely harvested in ankacha, 4 were harvested in one major effort without a preceding ankacha, and the remaining 8 were harvested through a combination. When fields include ankacha harvests, the large number of irregularly scheduled and brief trips make data on labor particularly difficult to capture. The direction of the error would probably be towards underestimation. Nonetheless, according to the data at hand, the potato fields of Paqhchani were harvested (including ankachas) in 62 days of work, or 250 days/ha. Fields of papa panq'o were harvested with 6 days of work, or 68 days/ha. And, the three oca fields were harvested with 14 days of labor, or 212 days/ha.
Comparison of Labor in Ura Ayllu's Estancia Manda and Paqhchani
The intensity of labor for potato production in the estancia manda and Paqhchani are basically similar (Figure 6.4). Field preparations are slightly less intensive in Paqhchani; The intensity of planting and harvesting of the potato crop are comparable between the two zones. The greatest difference is in the intensity of weeding, which is lower in Paqhchani (165 vs. 264 days/ha). Unlike fields in the estancia, which are almost always weeded twice, in Paqhchani seven fields were weeded only once, and the remaining nine were weeded two times.
The net result of these differences is that labor intensity for the total array of tasks associated with potato production in Paqhchani is lower than the estancia, 817 days/ha versus 1017 days/ha. The same general trend also holds true for the oca fields in the two zones: in every task, labor per unit area is less in Paqhchani than it is in the estancia manda. However, weeding is not so dramatically reduced as it is for potatoes, whereas harvest labor intensity is. In total, Paqhchani oca fields required 579 days/ha labor, versus 709 days/ha in the estancia.
Labor Inputs in the Fields of Ñacoreque
In 1986-87, seven of the study families used a total of 12 fields in the community of Ñacoreque. Only one family actually owned the land which they used (3 fields), the wife being from the community. All other fields were rented for the year.
FIELD PREPARATIONS
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Field preparations (fertilization, plowing, the k'upay, and surface clearing) required a total of 97 days of labor (Table 6.2), or 188 days/ha (Table 6.11).
PLANTING
Planting required a total of 53 days of labor, or 133 days/ha.
WEEDING
Most fields were weeded only once (only one received two weedings). In total, these activities took 60 worker-days, or 122 days/ha.
HARVEST
The harvest of the Ñacoreque potato fields was accomplished in 103 days of labor (217 days/ha).
Comparison of Labor in Ura Ayllu's Estancia Manda and Ñacoreque
In every task, labor intensity for the Ñacoreque fields is less than that for the estancia manda (Figure 6.4). Villagers planted over 5500 square meters of potatoes in Ñacoreque (somewhat more than the 4500 sq m in the estancia manda), yet spent fewer days working these lands (313 days in Ñacoreque versus 362 in the estancia potato fields; Table 6.2). The percentage of time spent in each task is roughly equivalent (Table 6.15). Ura Aylleños spend identical proportions of their time in field preparations in the two production zones (31% of the all days worked in Ñacoreque versus 31.6% in the estancia), while planting consumed a somewhat higher percentage of days in Ñacoreque (16.9% versus 13.0%). Although most fields in Ñacoreque received only one weeding, as a proportion of all days, the figure is not greatly reduced (19.2% of all days in Ñacoreque, 23.7% in the estancia). Harvest proportions of labor time are nearly identical (32.9% in Ñacoreque; 31.7% in the estancia).
Labor Inputs in the Transitional Zone
In 1986-87 there were 11 fields which are classified as "transitional." One was planted in habas; I will not discuss it further. Two of the transitional fields were planted in maize. Four each were planted with papa milli and papa panq'o.
FIELD PREPARATIONS
Neither of the maize fields required field preparations prior to planting. All of the papa milli fields had to be plowed, k'upayeded, and cleared of surface rubble. Fertilization was done at the same time as planting. The labors amounted to a total of 29 days. In total, field preparation amounted to 403 days/ha (Table 6.12), much higher than papa milli fields elsewhere (e.g., in Paqhchani papa milli fields, preparations required 285 days/ha).
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Two of the papa panq'o fields were double crops from prior papa milli fields and thus required essentially no preparations. The other two papa panq'o fields were coming out of fallow (and would later be planted in maize). These, of course, needed to be plowed. The preparation of these fields required 10 worker-days labor, or 448 days/ha.
PLANTING
Planting of the two maize fields consumed a total of 3 worker-days, or 107 days per hectare. Planting the papa milli fields required a total of 12 worker-days, or 175 days/ha. This figure is roughly in line with milli fields elsewhere (in Paqhchani labor intensity was calculated at 130 days/ha, in the estancia, potato field planting required 145 days/ha). Planting the panq'o fields required a total of 8 worker-days, or an estimated 168 days per hectare.
WEEDING
Weeding in the maize fields was labor intensive. It required a total of 9 days of labor, or 371 days/ha. Weedings in the papa milli fields required a total of 16 days of labor, or 212 days/ha (compared with 165 in the papa milli fields of Paqhchani). The papa panq'o fields required a total of 13 days work for weeding, equivalent to 293 days/ha.
HARVEST
The harvest of the two maize fields was accomplished rapidly in one day's total labor, or 37 days/ha. The papa milli fields located in the transitional zone were harvested with 9 days of labor, or 262 days/ha (similar to the labor required in the Paqhchani fields [250 days/ha] and the estancia potato fields [276 days/ha]). The papa panq'o fields required 18 days of labor for harvest (291 days/ha).
Comparison of Labor in Ura Ayllu's Estancia Manda and Transitional Fields
Comparisons of maize production will be made between the transitional fields and the maizales below. Here I restrict my discussion to the two potato croppings, papa milli and papa panq'o, of the transitional fields.
POTATOES
Transitional fields are used for double-cropping potatoes. Only papa milli always requires plowing. It is therefore no surprise that preparations for these fields and the potato fields of the estancia manda are similar in the labor effort (403 days/ha in the transitional fields; 352 days/ha in the estancia). When papa panq'o is planted in this zone and in the maizales, it is often the first crop planted after fallow. The high labor intensity for papa panq'o field preparations reflects this fact. Two of the four papa panq'o fields in this zone were planted as the first crop after fallow. They required 448 days/ha for preparation (but note in Table 6.12 that only 33% of fields required preparation and so days/ha labor for all fields in the aggregate is much lower).
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Both potato croppings are somewhat higher in planting effort, though similar to that of the estancia. The papa milli crop required 175 days/ha; the papa panq'o crop required 168 days/ha (the estancia potato crop used 145 days/ha). Weeding of the papa panq'o fields was slightly more labor intensive (293 days/ha) than either weeding of papa milli fields in the same zone (175 days/ha), or weeding the estancia manda potato fields (264 days/ha). This is quite unlike the case observed in Paqhchani, where intensity of weeding dropped off dramatically for the papa panq'o crop (further calling into question the reliability of figures for papa panq'o in Paqhchani). With respect to harvest data, the estimated figure of 262 days/ha for the papa milli crop and 291 days/ha for the papa panq'o crop are in line with labor intensities observed for the potato harvest in both Paqhchani and the estancia. Total labor intensity required for potato production in the transitional zone is extremely similar to that for the estancia (both somewhat above 1000 days/ha).
Labor Inputs in the Maizales of Ura Ayllu
As described in the previous chapter, maizales may remain under cultivation for many years. If they have been in fallow and are newly planted again, the first crop is papa panq'o. Of the 29 maizales used in the following analysis of labor effort, 26 were fields in at least their second year of cropping (i.e., planted in maize), while three were planted in papa panq'o. The maizales used for planting papa panq'o will be distinguished from those used for cropping maize.
FIELD PREPARATIONS
The labor required to prepare maizales for planting is light. The stalks remaining from the previous harvest must be cleared. These are sometimes burned and turned under the loose soil. There may be a plowing, but it does not involve the kind of arduous labor of the estancia barbecho. Fields must be cleared of this stubble and other weeds, along with stones. Cows may be allowed to graze in these fields in the post-harvest season, but there are no applications of fertilizer prior to planting. In total, the maizales of Ura Ayllu required 28 worker-days of field preparations (Table 6.2), or 49 days per hectare (Table 6.13). Only three-quarters of these fields required any preparation work.
As described in the previous chapter, maizal land which has been in fallow is planted first with a crop of papa panq'o. This means that a true barbecho must be made, along with k'upay and surface clearing. For the three papa panq'o maizales, two were planted in panq'o immediately out of fallow. A total of 11 days were required for field preparation in all fields, or 175 days/ha.10
PLANTING
A few of the maizales are located on land sufficiently flat that
animal traction can be used in a combined plowing and planting. In other
cases, the rawk'ana (hoe) is used to place the maize seed into
the ground. In total, Ura Aylleños spent 61 days planting their maizales,
or 62 days per hectare. In contrast, 6 days were needed to plant the three papa
panq'o fields,
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