Cultivating Diversity: Field Scattering as Agricultural Risk Management in Cuyo Cuyo, Department of Puno, Peru

By Carol Goland, 1993.

Chapter 3 - The Andean Environment and Agricultural Ecology

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For example in Nuñoa, an agropastoral community in Puno on the upper end of the altitudinal range where a mixed subsistence economy is still feasible, the by-products of the native Andean camelids and sheep are crucial (Thomas 1976). The trade of craft items manufactured from the wool of alpaca and sheep is the fundamental way that the population gains access to the energy and protein that they are unable to produce for themselves at this high altitude (above 4000 m). Sale of animals and their by-products is almost the only means of gaining monetary resources in the community (McRae 1979; Thomas 1973).

Most importantly, dung is the only source of cooking fuel and fertilizer. Its use as fertilizer is essential in high altitude regions because decomposition of organic matters--and therefore, replenishment of soil nutrients--is retarded. Analysis of soil samples from Nuñoa show that there is consistent deficiency in nitrogen, phosphorus, and organic matter. Without the application of dung as a fertilizer, cropping of potatoes would be impossible. Equally important, these soils are vulnerable to water erosion and have low water retention properties. The use of dung improves the physical aspects of soil, especially by increasing moisture retention and therefore enhancing the biological processes necessary for the accumulation of organic matter (Winterhalder et al. 1974). As a fuel, dung is comparable to wood in terms of the energetic costs to acquire it and its thermal properties. Both are more efficient sources of fuel than the alternative purchased source, kerosene (Winterhalder et al., 1974).

The interdependence of animals and agricultural land is a notable aspect of the agrarian economy throughout the Central Highlands. Llamas provide an important means of transporting agricultural seed and harvest. Although most communities with significant herd populations have access to at least some high altitude pasture lands, grazing also takes place on fallow agricultural fields, and on stubble after harvest. In gleaning the remains of the harvest, herd animals are able to more fully exploit the complete productive value of agricultural fields. Significantly, herd animals extend the altitudinal range of production by utilizing lands that are too high (cold and arid) for agricultural use. But most importantly, as explained above, herds provide an essential source of manure (Jamtgaard 1984; McCorkle 1987; Orlove 1977; Winterhalder et al. 1974).

Yamamoto (1985) argues that sustained agricultural production in the Andes without significant environmental deterioration is due in part to the complementarity of agriculture and pastoralism. He stresses the importance of natural fertilizers in maintaining both physical and nutrient qualities of soils. The mixed agropastoral economy requires complex scheduling of labor and the coordinated allocation of resources. Not surprisingly, then, these are the aspects of economy which are most rigidly directed by the community.

Both of the communities studied for this research maintain mixed agropastoral economies. The higher community, Puna Ayllu, combines agriculture with herding in puna grasslands. The majority of the herd animals are the native Andean camelids, llama and alpaca. The lower community, Ura Ayllu, combines agriculture with herding on the valley slopes and margins. The primary animals are European introduced sheep and, to a lesser extent, cattle.

DIVERSIFICATION OF GENETIC RESOURCES

An important aspect of the diversification of Andean production is the maintenance of diverse genetic stock, both the large number of individual species which were domesticated in the Andes, and within each crop type, the great number of varieties. This may be related, at least in part, to the diversification of the landscape. It has been assumed commonly that agronomic qualities of specific varieties are matched to micro-environmental conditions of fields (Brush and Guillet 1985). Zimmerer (1988) finds only limited support for this

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explanation, and argues instead for the importance of use-categories (groups of cultivars associated primarily by culinary use) in the maintenance and organization of diverse cultivar stocks.

Among the native Andean crops, the potato is singular in terms of diversity. The International Potato Center in Lima, in an on-going collection of potato germplasm, is reported to have accessioned 12,000 named cultivars, representing some 5,000 distinct clones¹). In addition to indigenous varieties, over 30 improved varieties have been introduced in the Andes since 1950 (Brush 1986). Eight species of Solanum are cultivated.² Two are the "bitter" varieties (S. juzepczukii, S. curtilobum), one is intermediate (S. ajanhuiri), and five are non-bitter species (S. tuberosum, S. chaucha, S. stenotomum, S. goniocalyx, and S. phureja), together representing four ploidy levels (2n=24: 2x, 3x, 4x and 5x). The proliferation of such variety is made possible by relatively weak reproductive barriers between wild and cultivated species, and maintained by the natural geographical and ecological isolation which is characteristic of the Andes (Johns 1985).

S. stenotomum, a diploid which is cold-resistant, is thought to be ancestral to the other cultivated species (Hawkes and Hjerting 1989; National Research Council 1989). Apparently all other species have evolved from this one. S. phureja is also a diploid, distinct from the former by its ability to grow in warmer climates, at lower elevations. It is grown principally at elevations between 2200 - 2600 m on the eastern slopes of the Andes (National Research Council 1989) and has a very short growing season of three to four months (Zimmerer 1988). It matures rapidly and has no dormancy period. The third diploid, S. ajanhuiri, is a high altitude disease and frost resistant species (withstanding temperatures as low as -5^o C). It is cultivated at altitudes of 3800 - 4100 m. It may have the most limited geographic distribution of all the native species (Huamán et al. 1980). The fourth diploid is the problematic S. goniocalyx (see Footnote 2).

The triploid species are maintained by vegetative propagation. They are S. chaucha and S. juzepczukii. S. chaucha is a hybrid cross between S. stenotomum and S. tuberosum subsp. andigena (Hawkes 1979). Chaucha (Quechua for "early") produces no seed and requires no period of dormancy (National Research Council 1989). It occurs in a large number of clones and is widely distributed. S. juzepczukii is one of the bitter species and is only consumed after processing by freeze-drying. It, along with the bitter pentaploid S. curtilobum are cultivated from central Peru to northern Bolivia, at elevations up to 4200 m (National Research Council 1989). It is derived from a cross which includes the wild species S. acaule (Hawkes 1979; Johns 1985; Zimmerer 1988). S. curtilobum is derived from S. juzepczukii (in a cross with S. tuberosum), and like it is bitter and requires processing.

The tetraploid species S. tuberosum originated as a hybrid cross between diploid S. stenotomum and a weed diploid (Hawkes 1979). There are two closely related subspecies,

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tuberosum and andigena. The subspecies tuberosum is the potato of global distribution. The subspecies andigena is the most widespread of all potatoes in the Andes (Brush et al. 1981), being adapted to short growing days and elevations above 2000 m.

In addition to the cultivated species, over 90 wild species of Solanum are found in the Andean region (Ugent 1970). Undoubtedly, this vast source of genetic material explains not only the origin of the diversity of the cultivated species, but the maintenance of diversity as well, through hybridization and introgression with the wild species. In addition, the fact that most of the cultivated species have two reproductive strategies, one sexual, the other asexual, further enhances variation. The asexual reproduction of identical clones conserves old varieties, while the sexual reproduction of true seed creates new ones.

Another crucial factor in the maintenance of this genetic diversity is the nature of the mountain environment itself. Altitude, slope, aspect, soil conditions, etc. combine to create numerous micro-habitats. Each represents a unique niche open to a singularly well adapted variety. The extreme topography of the mountainous environment promotes isolation and effectively creates geographic barriers to impede gene exchange.

While the potato is certainly the best known and most well-studied of the native Andean tubers, others are also important. Following potato, the oca, añu (mashua, or isaño), and ulluco (illaco, papa lisa) are also produced widely throughout the Andes. Maca (Lepidium meyenii), a root crop, is much more limited in distribution and the least known.

Among native tubers, oca (Oxalis tuberosa³) is second in importance only to the potato in dietary and agronomic importance. Eight species are known in the Andes, but only one is cultivated (Frère et al. 1975). It is distributed from Venezuela to northern Chile, and is grown at elevations from sea level to 4000 m (Tapia 1982), although it is usually found growing above 2500 m (King 1988). It is known by various names (see King 1988: Table II); here I follow the most common vernacular designation, and the one used in the study region, oca. The long, cylindrical tubers of the oca vary widely with respect to color and size. Although the oca does set seed, it is vegetatively propagated. Oxalis tuberosa exhibits high polyploidy, with 2n = 10, 12, 14, 24, and 36. Its wild progenitor is unknown (King 1988).

The oca has received recent international attention for its potential use in the production of alcohol and starch (King 1987). Both "bitter" and "sweet" varieties are recognized, and this distinction conforms to the relative amounts of oxalate acid to be found in these cultivars. Oca may be consumed fresh, but it is usually exposed to sun for a few days or a week in order to "sweeten" it. This process presumably breaks down the calcium crystals (Hodge 1949). Oca may also be subject to a freeze-drying process. Fresh tubers are soaked in running water for several weeks and then allowed to alternately freeze and dry. As a final step, the remaining moisture is squeezed out of the now shriveled tubers. The resulting product is called kaya, and is remarkably durable during long periods of storage.

The añu (Tropaeolum tuberosum) is known as well by the names cubio, mashua, isaño and apilla. The añu is found cultivated from Venezuela south to Bolivia, but its greatest distribution is found in the puna regions of Peru and Bolivia. It is presumed to have been domesticated in the altiplano region (Tapia 1982) from the wild subspecies Tropaeolum tuberosum subsp. silvestre (King 1988:63-64). Añu is high yielding: experimental plots have produced up to 50,000 kg/ha (National Research Council 1989). It also withstands temperatures as low as 4^o C and can tolerate light frosts. An interesting feature of this crop is

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its uses in addition to that of a food source: it is widely believed both to enhance female fertility and to act as an anti-aphrodisiac and anti-reproductive agent in males (Johns 1981). Furthermore, it is highly resistant to diseases and insects (National Research Council 1989), and is considered to be a natural insecticide. For this reason, it is frequently found intercropped with other tubers.

The ulluco (Ullucus tuberosus, also known as illaco, papa lisa, and atok lisas) is grown from Venezuela to northern Argentina. Here I will use the vernacular illaco since it is the name most commonly used in the study region (papa lisa is also used). The tubers show a great deal of variation in color and size, and there is some indication that there may be two distinct cultivars represented: one in the north with larger tubers, and a southern variety with smaller tubers and taller stems. The illaco is quite resistant to cold and frost (Tapia 1982), and is commonly cultivated at elevations from 3000 to 4000 m. Further attractive features of this species as a crop are its drought-resistance and low soil-fertility requirements (Rousi, et al. 1989). Yields of 5 to 9 tons/ha have been observed under traditional production methods (National Research Council 1989).

Little is known about the genetic and cytological variation of the illaco, although it appears that at least both diploids (2n = 24) and triploids are represented (2n = 36). Illaco is capable of both sexual and asexual reproduction, but vegetative propagation is universal in the Andean region. The tuber is used boiled in soups and stews. It may be freeze-dried, in which case the resulting product is termed llinglli.

In addition to these tuber crops, several introduced and native grain crops are also grown in the highlands. The former include wheat (trigo, Titicium aestivum), barley (cebada, Hordeum sp.), and oats (avena, Avena sp.). These crops are grown primarily as cash crops and are found in areas with access to commercial markets. Native grain crops include kaniwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule), kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus) and quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa). The two chenopods are well adapted to cold and drought; kiwicha is especially tolerant of drought. All are cultivated at high elevation (up to 4400 m for kaniwa) (National Research Council 1989). They are especially important as sources of high quality cereal protein.

Corn (maiz [Sp.] or sara [Q.], Zea mays), beans (frijoles, Phaseolus spp.), and root crops such as racacha (Arracacia xanthorrhiza), achira (Canna edulis), ahipa (Pachyrhizus ahipa), and yacon, (Polymnia sonchifolia) are native crops of varying importance at lower elevations (e.g., below 3000 m). Corn is clearly the most important of these crops, and in most locales multiple varieties of it are planted. Grobman et al. (1961) define 33 primary races of maize in Peru.

Three species of Phaseolus (beans) are cultivated in the Andes: P. vulgaris ("poroto" or common bean) is the most widespread. Wild P. aborigineus, the ancestral form, is distributed along the eastern slope (Brücher 1988; Evans 1976). Many varieties of the cultivated species are known (Brücher 1988; Singh 1989; Zimmerer 1985). P. lunatus ("pallar" or lima bean) and P. coccineus (runner bean, a colonial introduction to the Andean region) are distributed in more restricted fashion (Frère et al. 1975). All three are commonly cultivated in association with maize.

Tarwi (Lupinus mutabilis) is another native legume. Once cultivated widely throughout the Andes, its importance appears to have diminished greatly. This may be related to bitter alkaloids in the seeds which require time-consuming processing to remove. Tarwi is exceptionally nutritious and tolerant of marginal soil conditions and a wide elevational spectrum. The erosion of tarwi cultivation may be related to the introduction of habas (Vicia

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fava). Habas are likewise an excellent source of protein and tolerant of a wide range of growing conditions, but do not have the demanding processing requirements of tarwi.

In the sub-tropical zones of the Andes in the lower altitudes, several native fruits are also prominent (see Gade 1975; National Research Council 1989).

In the study communities, a large number of varieties of different crops is recognized. I was able to collect 65 different named potato types, and 18 named oca types from families in the two communities. The degree to which this diversity in names is an accurate reflection of genetic diversity is under study. Preliminary results of electrophoresis identification of the potato collection indicate that, if anything, the number of names may under-represent the number of distinct potato clones.

LAND DIVERSIFICATION

Holding a diversified set of lands is characteristic of Andean production (Brush 1988). There are two somewhat hierarchical features at work here. First, there is diversification over the broad ecological belts described above. Especially for communities situated on the steep gradients of the eastern escarpment, households may hold land in several altitudinal zones, each offering unique cropping opportunities. Second, within each cropping zone households use not one consolidated field but rather several dispersed and distinct parcels of land. As I will demonstrate in later analyses, this form of land diversification is a critical strategy for production security.

A good example of the first dimension of land diversification is documented by Brush (1977a) in the northern Peruvian community of Uchucmarca. Brush describes the (indigenously) recognized crop zones of the valley. The primary axis for distinguishing these zones has to do with the crops grown and the land tenure system. From the lowest part of the valley utilized by Uchucmarqueños (at 800 m) to the highest elevations (4300 m) there are seven crop zones: temple, kichwa fuerte, kichwa, templado, jalka, jalka fuerte and, on the other side (eastern) of the Cordillera from Uchucamarca, the ceja de la montaña zone. These extensive landholdings combine to foster the self-sufficiency of the community. With such diversified productive opportunities, there is little need to engage in trade or market relations for the acquisition of subsistence resources. An equally important aspect of this altitudinal diversification of production zones and activities is that it spreads the timing of requisite agricultural labors. Since timing of farm chores (planting, weeding, harvest, etc.) is intricately linked to altitude and growing seasons, the use of multiple segments of the elevation gradient means that periodic shortfalls in labor can be avoided.

In the temple zone, the primary crop is sugar cane, and its exploitation is commercial. Other tropical products such as coca, citrus fruits, yucca, and hot peppers are also grown. In the kichwa fuerte, the threat of drought is a persistent problem. The main use of this zone is for the collection of firewood, though in non-drought years wheat and maize may be grown, along with irrigated alfalfa plots. The kichwa zone is used to produce two of the most important products of Uchucmarca: maize and wheat. Crops of secondary importance include beans, alfalfa, maguey, fruits, and squash. Land tenure is noncommercial. The templado zone is where the village of Uchucmarca is located. It is also a transitional zone, both climatically and agriculturally. In the lower part of this zone, wheat, maize and barley are grown, while in the upper part, the transition to cooler and wetter conditions is verified by production of potato. However, the main area for potato production is the next zone, the jalka. Other native Andean tubers such as oca, mashua, and ulluco are also grown, along with tarwi, broad beans, and barley. The jalka fuerte is the highest part of the Uchucmarca territory. All land here is communal property. It is used for pasturing herd animals (sheep, cattle, and horses). On the

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other side of the Cordillera, the ceja de la montaña is also communal land, used for hunting and commercial lumbering.

The second, equally important, and frequently misunderstood aspect of risk reduction through land diversification is the scattering of agricultural plots. Unfortunately, there are few data available describing this. In the Bolivian community of Irpa Chico, an average number of agricultural plots owned per household is 20, although some households own as many as 90 (Carter and Mamani 1982). In the Peruvian Aymara communities of Choquepampa and Challacollo, the average number of parcels owned per household was 33 and 73, respectively (Brown 1987). Figueroa (1984) reports the number of cultivated parcels per family ranges from 4 to 39 in eight Peruvian highland communities.⁴ In the Ayacucho communities of San José, de Arizona and Qasanqay, villages cultivate a total of 19 and 13 fields, respectively (Nuñez and Valladolid 1982). Among these, an average of 5 in each community are planted in potatoes (Lopez and Perez 1982). Montoya et al. (1986) present case studies of agricultural strategies of five altiplano families. Each uses between 21 and 35 parcels of land. In the Cuzco community of Paru-Paru, there are 124 families. The average landholding cultivated by each family is a mere 0.61 hectares. Tapia (1982) reports that 606 plots of land are continuously exploited (263 with irrigation and the rest unirrigated) and that 780 fields are utilized according to a sectorial fallowing system. This total would mean that the 124 families together use 1043 plots of land, or 8.41 plots per family.

Using multiple fields scattered across the landscape reduces the risk of having a harvest lost completely due to localized factors such as pests, disease, animal intrusions, theft, etc. affecting one field (Browman 1987c; Brush and Guillet 1985; Earls 1989; Figueroa 1984; Morlon 1987, 1988). Although scattering fields may not provide much protection against extreme and prolonged periods of drought (or excessive precipitation), differences between plots in moisture retention and run-off provide important benefits to combat less extreme events. Differences in topography also create variable micro-environments with respect to frost risks (McCamant 1986).

In the study communities of Puna Ayllu and Ura Ayllu, households utilized from as few as 9 to as many as 26 agricultural fields per year. The average number per family in Puna Ayllu (15.1) was lower than that for Ura Ayllu (18.6). In Puna Ayllu, all of the plots were located in the tuber zone. In Ura Ayllu, these plots were divided between the tuber and cereal zones.

SUMMARY - MAJOR FEATURES OF ANDEAN PRODUCTION AND RISK MANAGEMENT

The preceding discussion presents the prominent features of the Andean production system. First, households and communities utilize diverse ecological zones. These ecological zones are defined by climatic and vegetation characteristics; they are not necessarily congruent with production zones, which are cultural constructs. The latter are the result of economic decisions generalizing specific crop choices. Production zones have distinctive arrays of crops and tillage techniques and are accompanied by differences in the degree of communal control. Production in the highest elevation zones is most frequently subject to community coordination. This may be explained in part by the critical role of herd animals in maintaining

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soil quality at these elevations. A mixed agropastoral economy, in turn, requires especially high levels of community-wide coordination. Where these production regimes are found, the distinction between use and control of resources is apparent. Communities control resources by defining what can be grown, the timing of agricultural labor, and the allocation of land. Individuals or households, on the other hand, use this land under the broad constraints set forth by the community. Taken together, these features of the Andean agrarian economy create a highly diversified production system. Among the most outstanding features are the inter-dependent agricultural and pastoral spheres of production, the use of a wide range of altitudinal belts and ecological zones, and the maintenance of diverse genetic stocks of Andean crops.

I have argued that an over-emphasis on verticality has to some degree obscured its more general form as a manifestation of diversification. Verticality is the most common and efficient means of diversifying production in the altitudinally compressed and complex environment of the Andes. Diversification, in turn, is one (albeit the most prominent) strategy to reduce risk used by Andean households.

The fact that contemporary Andean production decisions and organization appear to be geared toward combating risks and gaining subsistence security has been noted by several authors (Browman 1987a, 1987b; Brush and Guillet 1985; Godoy 1985; Guillet 1981a, Lambert 1977; Yamamoto 1988). The underlying premise of these arguments is that Andean populations embrace diversity in order to provide security. Management of risk has also been used to explain prehispanic sociopolitical organization and expansion (W. Isbell 1978). Continuities between ancient and contemporary practices suggest that these strategies are effective in conferring resilience in the face of environmental variability.

Although the conclusion that Andean production systems are geared towards minimizing risk is intuitively appealing, it needs to be rigorously assessed. This gap between intuition and clear analytical understanding is the impetus for this analysis. My goal is to examine prominent features of contemporary production in two neighboring highland Andean communities, and to evaluate them as risk reducing strategies. I focus specifically on field dispersion.